| |
| | 
| | | 
| | | 
| | 
The Race for Indonesia’s Next President October 9, 2012 Indonesia’s presidential elections are nearly two years away. Yet residents are already debating who they think has what it takes to fill the shoes of current President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who by law cannot run for a third term. The Wall Street Journal has spoken with voters and political analysts and come up with its own list of likely contenders, as well as some dark horses, who could surge in the public eye with the right combination of positive news, political support and campaign funds | | | | | 
Tim Chong/Reuters | Prabowo Subianto Top Contender
The former general and ex-son-in-law of former
President Suharto has managed to rise in popularity recently despite allegations that he oversaw human-rights abuses during the Suharto era.
He denies the allegations but says Indonesia is ready for
a stronger leader. He heads the small Gerindra party and has seen his ratings soar in part due to his focus on rural Indonesia and his promotion of secular policies. He is a successful businessman with his own money, but would need the backing of other political organizations to run because his own party does not currently hold 20% of the seats in parliament, which is required to nominate a presidential candidate. Some analysts say Mr. Prabowo tops some polls because there are few other leaders to choose from, and that if he became a real contender, his political enemies would dredge up negative stories from his past in the military to try to scare voters. | | | | 
Matthew Bigg/Reuters | Aburizal Bakrie Top Contender
Mr. Bakrie is one of Indonesia's most controversial business leaders and the presidential candidate for
the Golkar Party, once the main political engine of
former Indonesian dictator Suharto.
He has the money and the political machine to run,
but analysts say he faces an uphill climb, for several reasons. First, he is not from the island of Java,
which traditionally is the source of most top
Indonesian leaders. Another problem is that his name and companies
have often been connected with scandal, so some
voters looking for a candidate with an unblemished
record may look elsewhere. | | | | 
Charles Dharapak/Associated Press | Megawati Sukarnoputri Top Contender
Eight years after losing an election bid to
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the first daughter of former Indonesian leader Sukarno remains a powerful voice in Indonesian politics as chairwoman of parliament's third-largest party, the Democratic Party of Struggle.
Indonesia's first female president has been coy about her interest in running for president again in 2014. If she does, many analysts believe she would struggle to win, with many voters looking back on her previous term
in office as less successful than Mr. Yudhoyono's, given the country's recent economic boom.
But recent polling suggests she would have a legitimate shot.
| | | | 
Ted Aljibe/AFP/Getty Image | Jusuf Kalla Top Contender
A successful businessman from the island of Sulawesi, Mr. Kalla entered politics during his university days in a movement that supported former strongman Suharto in the mid-1960s.
After Suharto fell from power in street protests in 1998, Mr. Kalla served in the cabinets of two of his successors, Aburrahman Wahid and Megawati Sukarnoputri. In 2004, he was elected vice president alongside President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Mr. Kalla lost his bid in 2009 to challenge Mr. Yudhoyono for the presidency. Although he remains popular and is seen as someone who gets things done, so far he doesn't have the backing of a major party. Analysts also often mention his age – 70 – as something that could hurt his electability. | | | | 
Achmad Ibrahim/Associated Press |
Hatta Rajasa
Top Contender
Though he is one of President Yudhoyono's closest
aides and has an important role in the cabinet as coordinating minister for the economy,
the white-haired Mr. Rajasa chairs his own political party, the National Mandate Party.
That party is too small to put forward a presidential candidate on its own under Indonesia’s electoral laws, so it would need the support of other parties.
As an indirect relative to President Yudhoyono –
Mr. Rajasa's daughter is married to Mr. Yudhoyono's youngest son – he might be able to get the backing of
the president's Democratic Party.
| | | | 
Reuters | Sri Mulyani Indrawati Wild card
Currently a managing director at the World Bank,
Ms. Sri Mulyani is popular with some Indonesians, especially urbanites who want more extensive political change after applauding her efforts to clean up Indonesia’s tax-collection system when she was finance minister.
While there have been attempts to create a political movement around her, she still lacks the support of a top political party that is needed to run for president.
More importantly, she has shown little indication recently that she wants to leave her influential job at the World Bank.
| | | | 
Chaiwat Subprasom/Reuters | Gita Wirjawan Wild card
Indonesia’s trade minister has become one of the most important international faces of the archipelago.
Formerly the head of the Investment Coordinating Board, he helped attract a record amount of foreign direct investment to Indonesia. Today as trade minister he has been helping tweak Indonesia’s economic policies to help the country get more for its citizens from the rush of new investment and trade.
The moves have worried foreign firms, who say they smack of protectionism, but are expected to be popular with voters
| | | | 
Dimas Ardian/Bloomberg | Dahlan Iskan Wild card
Indonesia’s popular minister of state-owned enterprises started out as a journalist, so he knows how to spin a yarn.
He is regularly in the news with interesting and
sometimes controversial quips. Like many of the
other wild cards, he will have to get one of the
few parties with more than 20% of the seats in
parliament to back him if he wants to run.
| | | | 
Dimas Ardian/Bloomberg News | Joko Widodo
Wild card
Jakarta’s recently elected governor is a long shot,
but he was a long shot to be elected to run the capital region as well, and still broke through with a victory last month.
If he can maintain his image as a clean, hard-working politician who’s in touch with the people, and accomplish
a few things in Jakarta in the next two years, he might get the backing of a major party to run for president,
and win.
| | | | 
| Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Choice
Wild card
While President Yudhoyono’s party has seen its popularity slide as some of its members have been convicted in recent high-profile corruption cases, the current president’s choice for a preferred successor will undoubtedly carry some weight.
He still hasn’t said publicly who he will support.
It could be one of the people already on this list, or,
a new face. Among the possibilities some analysts have floated: His wife, Kristiani Yudhoyono, or Coordinating Security Minister Djoko Suyanto. | | | |
|
| | | 
JOKOWI - PRABOWO - AHOK
2012 JAKARTA GUBERNATORIAL ELECTIONS | | | | 
Leadership Lessons in Jakarta Pave Way for 2014 Election
Pitan Daslani | September 23, 2012
Joko Widodo’s victory in the Jakarta gubernatorial election has caused many politicians to re-examine their approach in representing the people’s wishes.
The victory of the governor-elect, known as Jokowi, has vindicated a new theory that many of Indonesia’s major political parties actually do not connect with their constituencies.
Although they claim to represent millions of voters, the biggest irony in Indonesia today is that when it comes to electing a new leader, political parties’ aspirations contradict the wants of the people they represent.
This extreme conclusion emerged during the Jakarta gubernatorial election.
When the ruling Democratic Party joined forces with the Islam-based United Development Party (PPP), National Mandate Party (PAN), Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), and Golkar Party to support Fauzi Bowo, the challenger’s camp reacted humbly.
Megawati Sukarnoputri, chairwoman of the Indonesian Democracy Party of Struggle (PDI-P) said that she was “being mobbed by the big players.”
Her candidate, Jokowi, reacted to the establishment of the big coalition by saying that he would “set up a coalition with the people” because he believed that “people power would be enough” to confront the power of the big coalition.
People power
Based on the result of the first round of voting on July 11, it looked like Fauzi would win the runoff because PKS, PPP and Golkar had joined the ruling party’s coalition and, theoretically, their followers would vote for Fauzi in the runoff.
The coalition did not understand that those who voted for Fauzi during the first round could easily change their minds and go against him in the second round. The politicians did not understand that voters made their choices, not because they believed in the dictates of the political parties, but because they were smart and politically mature enough to use sound rationale and good political logic.
The politicians thought that Jakarta voters were the kind of people who could easily be misled and persuaded to buy into their ethnic and religious slurs.
They were wrong. Most of the voters refused to cast their votes based on religious and ethnic considerations. Even at the polling stations near the homes of Fauzi Bowo and his running mate, Nachrowi Ramli, most of the native Betawi voters opted for Jokowi and his running mate, Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama. Ahok is a Christian of Chinese ethnicity, but his background did not matter to Muslim voters who constitute the majority of Jakarta’s population.
Learning their lesson
The first lesson that political parties need to learn is that voters are too smart to be fooled. They will abandon political parties that fail to understand what they want.
The most important characteristic of an increasingly prosperous society is that people want change and they want it to happen quickly to ensure justice, transparency, social solidarity and a better life.
The fast expansion of the middle class means that politicians need to redefine their approach to this economically powerful and well-educated segment of society lest they be abandoned. Outdated postures as well as ethnic and religious slurs come as an insult to such a level of society.
The second lesson that needs to be learned is that society wants a new generation of leaders. Old public figures will not “sell” well now because the Jakarta election, as the barometer for Indonesia, has produced young leaders with whom most of the voters, especially young people, associate themselves. Young voters look at Jokowi and Ahok as “one of us.” Jokowi was born in 1961 and Ahok in 1966.
The third lesson politicians must now learn is that today’s Indonesian voters hate bossy, bureaucratic-looking, aristocrat-like public figures running for office.
Such candidates will not be seen as “one of us” by the majority of voters whose new belief in democracy and human rights has torn down the walls that separated the haves from the have-nots. Jokowi’s humble lifestyle was more powerful than anything money could create as a magnet to attract public sympathy.
Instead of giving the people money to support him, it was the people voluntarily supported Jokowi in many ways. Even in the speech immediately after the announcement of his quick-count victory, Jokowi told supporters that he had nothing to give them right away but would work for the sake of Jakarta’s citizens and make sure that “nobody would be left behind.”
The fourth and most notable lesson from Jokowi’s victory is that money politics did not work here. Voters did not expect money from Jokowi, they only wanted a leader who could introduce change and live among them. So, it is political parties and transactional politicians who are spoiling society with money in order to satisfy their short-term selfish ambitions.
The fifth lesson for political parties comes from the televised gubernatorial candidate debates. Voters don’t like to see officials exhibiting a defensive — as if flawless — posture. At one point during the first debate on JakTV, Jokowi used the phrase, “according to a stupid person like me ... ” when he criticized Fauzi’s transportation policy.
Only a humble leader like Jokowi can do that. Public figures who hail from upper segments of society and who do no mingle with the lower walks of life would avoid using such a phrase because they think it would downgrade their image. That is wrong. Jokowi proved that by expressing such a humble remark, he drew millions of people to his camp with his humility.
A new lesson now is that in politics, arrogance is your biggest enemy and being defensive the quickest way to reveal your dishonesty and lack of self-awareness. Fauzi is actually a great leader, a smart architect who received a doctorate in Germany, specializing in city planning. But in terms of political communication, he failed to impress voters.
So, the sixth lesson politicians need to learn is that the power of a true campaign lies not in your appearance in front of the people’s eyes but in communicating with their hearts.
Ours is a society fraught with hypocrisy. Appearing defensively flawless — the ultimate goal of all the image-building campaigns — is a confirmation of the opposite. People don’t believe in appearances today. They believe in being one’s self, transparent and humble.
A brand new day
A new awareness is now growing in society that a true leader is one who serves rather than one who seeks to be served. Jokowi knows this very well and puts it into practice.
But we must also acknowledge Fauzi’s political maturity. He called Jokowi right after learning of his defeat and congratulated his challenger. This is the right attitude that must be socialized among political leaders.
Objectivity and patriotism in politics as such must be perpetuated in our culture. The Jakarta election represents a huge political mirror for all the big parties to examine themselves. If they don’t make adjustments, voters will abandon them.
This is a prelude to the presidential election in 2014. | | |
| | 
Two Candidates to Dominate the 2014 Presidential Election
Tuesday, 24 July, 2012
TEMPO Interactive, Jakarta:Chairman of Advisory Council of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) Taufiq Kiemas said that the presidential election in 2014 will be dominated by two candidates:
PDI-P chairperson Megawati Soekarnoputri and Democrat’s patron Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
According to Taufiq, these two still have strong support from the people.
Anyone who wants to be the candidate should obtain their endorsement, he said. “Or they will not win the election.
Mega and SBY remain strong factors,” said Taufiq on Monday, July 23.
Taufiq suggested taht Megawati and Yudhoyon immediately decide their candidates for the presidential election. However, he does not want to push his wife. “I just hope that she will do it soon,” he said.
Several survey institutions have shown that Megawati is a strong candidate from the PDI-P. Taufiq has rejected this idea many times. He would prefer a younger candidate from the PDI-P, but not his daughter Puan Maharani. “No, she’s not ready yet,” he said.
Taufiq said that the candidates should respect the state ideology of Pancasila, the 1945 constitution, the unity of the Republic of Indonesia, and the spirit of Bhineka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity). | | |
| | 
| DEALING WITH 2014 ELECTIONS
MONDAY, 30 JULY 2012 23:14
AUTHOR :ANI HASANAH COMMENTARY 30.07.2012
The coming 2014 General Elections in Indonesia will be crucial because people will be smarter and more powerful in making their choice and deciding their fate, at least for the next five years. For the success of the elections, the Election Commission is expected to gear themselves to face any possible problems. The political situation is expected to be much hotter than before. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has also reminded the Commission to be more careful in holding the general elections 2014. Previous errors can be used as a lesson so as not to be repeated again. | | | | |
All parties including the Commission should really be prepared to face the 2014 election, expected to be much more competitive and hotter than before. The contestants will consist of new face that will automatically strive to be the winner. Although up to now it has not been determined how many presidential candidates will officially join the upcoming elections, political parties have started to feature their candidates. It shows that the competition for the presidential candidates in the 2014 will be much more severe than before. Democracy maturation process that is now underway in Indonesia is also likely to be marred by various problems and conflicts. The Elections Commission is expected to be able to handle with all this. In addition, the Commission also must be able to solve the problem of voters list which has always been a thorny issue in elections in this country. Indeed, the problem is not simply the responsibility of the KPU and the government, but also the people and political parties, political party. It takes the participations of all components, to solve problems. Hopefully with the support and participation of the government and various parties, including all of the people throughout Indonesia, the upcoming 2014 election will be a true success, as well as producing a quality leader.
| | | | | 
Background Note: Indonesia | | | | | 
| 
| IFES Election Guide Upcoming Elections
Presidential - First Round July 2014
Parliamentary Population: 240,271,522
(July 2009 est.) | | | Description of government structure:
Chief of State: President Susilo Bambang YUDHOYONO *
Head of Government: President Susilo Bambang YUDHOYONO
Assembly: Indonesia has a bicameral People's Consultative Assembly consisting of the Regional Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah) with 132 seats and the House of Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat) with 560 seats.
* A candidate pair must be nominated by a party or coalition with at least 20 percent of seats in the DPR or that won at least 25 percent of votes in the last DPR election.
Description of electoral system:
The President is elected by absolute majority vote to serve a 5-year term.
In the Regional Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah) 132 members are elected by single non-transferable vote to serve 5-year terms*. In the House of Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat) 560 members are elected by open list proportional representation in multi-member constituencies to serve 5-year terms.** * There are 4 seats allocated to each province, which is treated as a multi-member district. The DPD is advisory only.
** Parties must clear a threshold of 2.5 percent nationwide. Each party list must include at least 30 percent female candidates. Under a 2008 constitutional court ruling, voters may select a party, or they may select an individual. The ordering of party lists is fully determined by candidate preference votes. | | | 
Understanding Changes to Indonesia’s Electoral System and their Relationship to the 2014 Elections
JOINT OPEN FORUM, PETER ERBEN\
Peter Erben is IFES’s resident Chief of Party and Senior Electoral Advisor for Indonesia EVENT DATE: 2011-12-09 A fuller understanding of Indonesia’s election laws, the changes being debated, and how they may affect the 2014 elections is essential for any informed observer of the elections. Recently, new electoral laws have been passed and others are being debated in parliament that will have a significant impact on the legislative and presidential elections in 2014. Also, laws on political parties and electoral institutions have been promulgated, with the latter being challenged in the Constitutional Court. These laws will affect political party participation, as well as the composition and functioning of key electoral institutions, such as the Indonesian General Elections Commission (KPU) and the Elections Supervisory Body (BAWASLU). New election laws being debated will likely deal with parliamentary threshold, seat allocation arrangements, and electoral district magnitude. Raising the threshold will likely create significant hurdles for smaller parties to win legislative seats. Changes in district magnitude could affect the number of parties in parliament, as well as the ratio between votes cast and seats won.
Several challenges in election administration also remain, including updating and rebuilding a reliable national voter list, and transmitting election results from polling stations to KPU for accurate tabulation. The transition of KPU’s entire senior leadership ahead of the next elections and KPU’s resource limitations will also affect the Commission’s capacity to administer the election.
Peter Erben, IFES’s resident Chief of Party and Senior Electoral Advisor for Indonesia, will brief us in depth on the significant challenges ahead in electoral law and administration in Indonesia, both at the national and sub-regional level. | | | | | | 
Indonesia’s Pre-Pre-Pre-Election Frenzy
January 24, 2012, 11:00 AM SGT
By Joe Cochrane
Wildly divergent opinion polls. Intensified political mudslinging. The dramatic release of data showing which political
hopeful received the worst press coverage in 2011.
The New Year has certainly been accompanied by a shift into a higher gear for Indonesia’s upcoming presidential election, which is set to be the most competitive in the country’s modern history.
There’s one snag, however: The election won’t be held until mid-2014.
Perhaps Indonesia’s politicians have been over-exposed to the ongoing U.S. presidential primary races, or think an exhausting 30-month campaign strategy is not so bad.
Whatever the rationale, election fever is clearly in the air, if the steady flow of newspaper and television news stories is any indication.
“I don’t know where it started. In part, it’s a start of a new year; nothing else is going on,” said Kevin Evans, founder of Pemilu Asia, a Jakarta-based firm that collects political data.
Even if the politicking is a bit premature, the stakes are extremely high for Indonesia, which has Southeast Asia’s largest economy and is currently a darling of international investors because of its vast natural resources, large consumer market and stable politics. More than 170 million eligible voters will go to the polls in 2014 to choose lawmakers for national and provincial-level legislatures, likely in April of that year, followed by a new president in July.
Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is nearing the middle of his second term in office and is ineligible to run again. No senior members of his Democratic Party, which has been mired in a series of corruption scandals, have emerged thus far as viable successors. One top Democratic Party leader had the most negative press coverage in 2011 out of nine possible presidential candidates, according to recent media reports citing a non-governmental organization’s research report. Meanwhile, Vice President Boediono, a former central banker and economist who like many Indonesians goes by only one name, is widely seen by analysts as a technocrat with minimal political base.
As a result, the race for the presidency is wide open. Several high-profile figures including former President Megawati Sukarnoputri, business tycoon Aburizal Bakrie, former Army General Prabowo Subianto, and Economic Minister Hatta Rajasa, have been floated as potential candidates.
The Indonesian media is running almost daily stories about which candidate and political party might have the inside track, whic person could team up with the top candidates on a joint ticket to improve their chances, and whether any of the conflicting opinion polls are accurate.
“I think none of these current political parties that have the ability to put forth a presidential candidate even have a strong candidate,” said Hadar N. Gumay, executive director of the Center for Electoral Reform in Jakarta. “They realize that they have to work much, much earlier than the election schedule that we have,” he said. “Bringing it up in the media, or debating it, is a way to promote themselves and test the waters. I think that’s what they are doing.”
A slew of political surveys released last October and November each named a different presidential hopeful as being in the lead. Many of the polling agencies had been previously unheard of, leading to speculation that they were actually funded by the top political parties.
Mr. Evans of Pemilu Asia said that polling results aside, he believes there are only two serious candidates at this stage to become Indonesia’s seventh president:
Mr. Subianto and Mr. Bakrie, given their nationwide popularity and financial resources, among other things.
But he also noted that both men have electability issues. Mr. Subianto’s party is polling in the single digits. Given that parties must win or be in a coalition that holds at least 20 percent of the seats in Indonesia’s House of Representatives to nominate a presidential candidate, he currently looks unlikely to get a nomination. The same thing happened to him in 2009, when his party won only 4.6 percent of the House’s 560 seats, ultimately forcing him to become Ms. Megawati’s vice presidential running mate.
For his part, Mr. Bakrie is a controversial Suharto-era political and business figure whose Golkar Party has repeatedly challenged Mr. Yudhoyono on legislative and policy issues despite being a key member of the president’s governing coalition. In addition, Mr. Bakrie’s name remains connected to one of Indonesia’s worst-ever environmental disasters,
when a blowout occurred from an underground mud volcano at an exploration site in East Java in 2006, operated by a
drilling company owned by his family-run conglomerate. The blowout, which continues to flow, inundated thousands
of acres of land including entire villages, and left thousands of people homeless.
Indonesian’s Supreme Court in 2009 ruled that the mudflow was a natural disaster triggered by a massive earthquake in Central Java a few days before, overriding claims by international scientists that it was due to drilling techniques by the Bakrie-owned company. Mr. Bakrie, who was a minister in Mr. Yudhoyono’s first cabinet at that time, said he was no
longer running his family’s businesses.
“In 2014, at the end of the Yudhoyono era, what will people be looking for? Something different,” Mr. Evans said.
“They are not looking for a Yudhoyono clone. They want someone that Yudhoyono is not. So who are these people?”
That, unfortunately, is going to take a while to figure out. While the latest twists and turns of the pre-pre-pre-election
season are fodder for newspapers and political talk shows, it’s far too early to determine whether one of the perennial contenders will grow stronger or a viable newcomer will emerge to seize the presidency, much like Mr. Yudhoyono did
when he was first elected in 2004. “Any discussions or predictions before the middle of 2013 are useless,” said one Jakarta-based Asian diplomat.
The diplomat categorized ongoing public jibes among the various political parties – such as claims by opposition parties of interference by the government in the recently-released audit of a controversial 2008 state bailout of a private Indonesian bank — as little more than “mud wrestling” at this stage.
Indonesia appears to be in store for quite a bit more of it this year and beyond. | | | | | | 
INDONESIA
Since the fall of the 32-year old Suharto “New Order” regime in the late nineties, Indonesia has made a remarkable transition from repressive dictatorship to possibly the most dynamic and successful democracy in Southeast Asia. During the last parliamentary elections in April 2009, as many as 119 million Indonesians cast their votes in the legislative elections. All three national democratic elections held since 1999 are widely considered to have been fair and transparent. The paroxysms of sporadic violence that broke out following the breakdown of Suharto’s authoritarian rule were quieted; analysts who predicted the break-up of the largest and most diverse archipelagic nation in the world have been emphatically refuted.
Political Situation
In the last decade, Indonesia undertook one of the most ambitious programs of institutional reform attempted anywhere. Rapid decentralization of power, the creation of a credible constitutional court and an active and powerful anti-corruption commission are examples of such reform. Indonesia's transition provides key lesson for democracy supporters»
Yet despite these remarkable achievements by the Indonesian people and its government, Indonesia has yet to fully consolidate its still fluid democratic systems. The 2009 national elections, meant to serve as an example of Indonesia’s continued transition to becoming a fully established and mature democracy, were instead a step backwards in the view of many observers. The country’s electoral system continues to be in a state of transition, with persistent complaints of flawed voter lists, frequently changing election rules, and still-occasional but troubling outbreaks of violence. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, constitutionally barred from seeking a third term in the 2014 presidential elections, has seen his reputation damaged in a recent spate of corruption scandals inside his political party, Partai Demokrat. The legislative branch, despite significant improvement from its days as a rubber stamp for the Suharto regime, is seen by many Indonesians as a corrupt and ineffective institution. Political parties, which should be playing a central role in proposing alternative public policy solutions that reflect citizen priorities, instead struggle to define their political vision, engage voters and break free of the patrimonial patterns established in previous eras.
The 2014 elections mark perhaps the most crucial moment in Indonesia’s democratic transition since the fall of Suharto. With no clear presidential front-runner, the elections hold the potential of being the most closely contended in the nation's history. The incentives for increased electoral manipulation, vote buying and fraud are clear, at a time when the independence and competence of electoral administrative bodies is increasingly under question. Voter participation, while still high by international standards, has continued to shrink in each national election since 1998; citizens generally have low regard for political parties and the national legislature is likely a leading factor. If fair and free of violence, the 2014 elections could represent a crucial step forward in the permanent establishment of democracy in Indonesia, in a region where democracy has struggled to gain a consistent foothold. Otherwise, Indonesia could risk sliding backwards down a path of poor governance, illegitimate leadership and conflict. | | | | | 
| 
| Duel Si Nekat dengan Modal Kuat
Ramadhian Fadillah - detikNews
6 November 2011 Jakarta - Bergerak dan terus bergerak. Itulah perintah Aburizal Bakrie pada pengurus dan kader Partai Golkar. Ketua Umum Partai Golkar itu juga tidak akan tinggal diam setelah memberi perintah. Ia pun akan bergerak dengan seabrek agenda. Tujuannya jelas, memuluskan langkah menuju RI-1.
Ical telah diminta menjadi capres Golkar dalam Rapimnas Golkar, akhir Oktober 2011 lalu. DPD Golkar dari 33 Provinsi secara bulat mendaulat Ical untuk maju sebagai capres. | Dalam peringatan HUT ke-47, Golkar pun tanpa malu-malu mengumumkan mantan Menko Kesra itu sebagai capresnya. Spanduk besar bertuliskan 'Ical For RI-1' terpampang dalam HUT Golkar, di Gelora Bung Karno, 29 Oktober 2011 lalu. Maka malam itu pula, di depan Presiden SBY dan Wapres Boediono, perwakilan negara sahabat serta sejumlah tokoh nasional, Ical mengungkap siap jadi capres dengan bermetafora.
"Berkompetisi dalam kebaikan. Tahun lalu, langit biru dan padi sudah mulai menguning. Tahun ini saya laporkan, padi terus menguning semakin matang dan akan menjadi beras pada tahun 2014," ujar Ical dengan percaya diri.
Analogi Ical membuat SBY yang juga ketua umum Partai Demokrat tertawa kecil. Melihat SBY tertawa, Ical ikut tersenyum senang.
Malam itu tentu menjadi malam yang menyenangkan bagi Ical dan Golkar. Jalan menuju kursi RI-1 tampak begitu mulus. Ical telah mengantongi laporan dinobatkan sebagai capres paling populer oleh Reform Institute.
Dalam survei Reform Institute itu, pengusaha kelas kakap ini mendapatkan 13,58 % suara. Ia mengungguli capres lainnya, seperti Prabowo Subianto (8,46 %), Jusuf Kalla (7,06 %), Hidayat Nurwahid (5,17 %) dan Ani Yudhoyono (4,13 %).
Mengapa Ical ‘mendadak’ populer? Menurut Reform Insitute, hal itu tidak terlepas dari banyaknya poster dan spanduk Ical serta program-program Golkar yang terpampang di mana-mana. Iklan Ical dan Golkar itu cukup mendongkrak elektabilitas Ical.
"Kami menemukan fakta yang menarik. Dari survei yang kami lakukan, ternyata pemilih Ical adalah pedagang kecil, dan masyarakat bawah,” ujar Direktur Pengembangan Reform Institute Abdul Hamid.
Para wong cilik itu terpesona pada Ical sebab rata-rata menginginkan perubahan ke arah yang lebih baik. Mereka merasa Ical bisa mewujudkan impian itu.
Partai Golkar pun menyambut baik survei yang mengunggulkan ketua umum mereka. Menurut Wasekjen Partai Golkar Leo Nababan, kepopuleran Ical terlihat dari dukungan 33 DPD Golkar yang akan mengusung Ical maju capres tanpa perlu konvensi. Padahal konvensi sudah menjadi tradisi Partai Golkar sejak era Akbar Tandjung.
"Semua DPD sudah mendukung Pak Ical maju sebagai capres. Untuk apa lagi konvensi? “ beber Leo.
Leo tidak setuju dengan konvensi sebab dua capres Golkar hasil konvensi, Wiranto dan Jusuf Kalla, justru kalah dalam Pilpres.
Untuk memuluskan langkah Ical, Golkar menetapkan tahun 2012 sebagai tahun kekaryaan. Ical akan terus berkeliling Indonesia sepanjang 2012. Targetnya, suara Golkar naik dan tentunya elektabilitas Ical ikut terkerek.
Ical memang tidak asal-asalan memburu RI-1. Ia memiliki sejumlah modal. Ia menggenggam dukungan parpol sebagai kendaraan politik. Lalu kuat secara financial, menurut majalah Forbes memiliki harta US$ 2,5 miliar. Juga punya media massa baik online dan TV.
Dengan modal internal yang kuat, wajar Ical mantap melaju memburu RI-1. Terlebih pesaing berat Ical pun tidak banyak."Ical wajar merasa pede. SBY sudah tidak mungkin maju lagi," ujar pengamat politik Charta Politica Arya Fernandes.
Meski demikian, bukan berarti Ical bisa bebas melenggang menuju kursi RI-1. Partai Gerindra telah menabuh genderang perang untuk berebut kursi tertinggi itu. Letjen (Purn) Prabowo Subianto diusung sebagai capres. Modal Prabowo pun bukan kertas kosong.
Sama dengan Ical, Prabowo juga diunggulkan sebagai capres terpopuler. Bila Ical terpopuler versi Reform Institute, maka Prabowo versi Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicate (SSS). Dalam survei ini, Prabowo unggul dengan angka 28 %, jauh meninggalkan Ical yang hanya meraih posisi empat. Posisi kedua ditempati Mahfud MD (10,6 %). Lalu disusul Sri Mulyani Indrawati (7,4 %). Baru Ical (6,8 %), KH Said Agil Siradj (6 %) dan Din Syamsuddin (5,2 %).
SSS menyimpulkan Prabowo muncul sebagai capres terpopuler karena latar belakang militer dan figurnya yang dinilai tegas di tengah kekecewaan pada pemimpin sipil. "Gejala seperti ini boleh jadi dipicu oleh lemahnya kaderisasi dan rekrutmen kepemimpinan di kalangan politisi sipil," ujar peneliti SSS Ari Nurcahyo.
Gerindra tidak terkejut dengan survei SSS. Parpol ini makin yakin sosok Prabowo memang diminati masyarakat untuk menjadi presiden. Gerindra telah melakukan survei internal dan hasilnya Prabowo memang selalu nomor satu. "Saya kira survei SSS ini bisa diakui legalitasnya," ujar Wakil Ketua Umum Partai Gerindra Fadli Zon.
Sama dengan Golkar yang terus bergerak. Gerindra pun terus bebenah sejak kekalahan Prabowo 2009 lalu. Konsolidasi internal terus dilakukan. Motor partai hingga ke tingkat pengurus ranting coba digerakan.
Seperti Pemilu sebelumnya, Gerindra tetap akan mengusung jargon ekonomi kerakyatan. Prabowo kembali menjanjikan perubahan ekonomi kerakyatan dan kesejahteraan bagi petani, rakyat kecil dan pedagang pasar. Selain wong cilik, Gerindra juga menyasar kalangan terdidik yang rindu pemimpin yang tegas.
Soal dana, Prabowo sama sekali tak kekurangan. Tahun 2009 dia adalah capres terkaya dengan kekayaan Rp 1,57 triliun dan US$ 7,5 juta. Dukungan dana dari perusahaan miliknya maupun back up penuh dari sang adik, Hashim Djojohadikusumo, membuat mantan jenderal ini juga punya modal besar untuk menyaingi Ical."Prabowo akan jadi lawan tangguh untuk Ical," jelas Arya Fernandes.
Persaingan Ical dan Prabowo diprediksi akan makin memanas pada 2014. Sama-sama punya basis massa, punya dana dan merupakan orang yang cukup senior dalam kancah perpolitikan nasional. Sementara capres populer sebelumnya seperti SBY dan Mega tidak akan maju lagi.
Namun bukan berarti keduanya akan diterima dengan mudah. Sosok Prabowo dan Ical sama-sama punya cacat masa lalu. Prabowo selalu dikait-kaitkan dengan isu penculikan dan pelanggaran HAM, sementara Ical dikaitkan dengan tragedi lumpur Lapindo yang membuat ribuan orang kehilangan tempat tinggal. Namun keduanya tetap nekat bertarung dalam Pilpres 2014. Siapa pemenangnya?
Tulisan detik+ selanjutnya: 'Jenderal 08 Tak Kapok Dipecundangi', 'Di Atas Kertas Ical Kuat, Faktanya?' dan 'Sulitnya Mencari Pasangan untuk Menang' serta laporan khusus 'Seram, Jakarta Segera Tenggelam' bisa anda dapatkan di detiKios for Ipad yang tersedia di apple store. | | | | | 
10/31/2011 The 2104 presidential election
will likely see a duel between general-turned-businessman Prabowo Subianto
and Golkar Party chairman and business tycoon Aburizal “Ical” Bakrie,
according to political observers. A survey by the Reform Institute pegged Aburizal as the early favorite with 13.58 percent,
followed by Prabowo Subianto with 8.46 percent, Jusuf Kalla with 7.06 percent,
Hidayat Nurwahid with 5.17 percent and First Lady Ani Yudhoyono with 4.13 percent.
| | | | | 
Surveys Name Three Presidential Candidates
"Megawati, Prabowo, and Aburizal are the three strongest candidates"
27 Oktober 2011 | | | 
| 27 Oktober 2011 "Megawati, Prabowo, and Aburizal
are the three strongest candidates,"
said Widdi Aswindi, JSI Executive Director. | | | VIVAnews - Three research institutes have released surveys on the electability of party and presidential candidates.
All three revealed a number of figures who are considered the most popular to participate in the 2014 general elections.
Reform Institute, which conducted the survey between September 12 to 24, 2011, found that if Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Megawati Sukarnoputri are excluded, General Chairman of Golkar Party Aburizal Bakrie tops the list with 13.58 percent of votes. Prabowo Subianto follows with 8.46 percent, Jusuf Kalla 7.06 percent, Hidayat Nurwahid 5.17 percent, and Ani Yudhoyono 4.13 percent.
Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicate (SSS) which held the surveys on October 3-8, 2011, stated, if Yudhoyono and Megawati are not involved, Prabowo would garner most of the votes, by 28 percent of the respondents. Coming next are Mahfud MD with 10.6 percent, Sri Mulyani Indrawati 7.4 percent, Aburizal Bakrie 6.8 percent, KH Said Aqil Siradj 6 percent, Din Syamsuddin 5.2 percent, Pramono Edhie Wibowo 4.2 percent, Jusuf Kalla 4.0 percent and a dozen other names pocketing below 4 percent.
SSS also conducted a special survey on vice presidential candidates. Mahfud MD is the figure for whom respondents would vote, amounting to 15.6 percent. After him are Sri Mulyani with 8 percent, Pramono Edhie Wibowo 7.1 percent, Din Syamsuddin 6.8 percent, Said Aqil Siradj and Djoko Suyanto each 3.9 percent, and Puan Maharani 3 percent.
A different name list was resulted by Indonesia Vote Network (JSI), which surveyed on October 10 to 15, 2011. Being included in this survey, Megawati was selected as a presidential candidate with the highest support, which is 19.6 percent. Other presidential candidates whom the general public prefer after Megawati are, successively, Prabowo Subianto (10.8 percent), Aburizal Bakrie (8.9 percent), Wiranto (7.3 percent), Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X (6.5 percent) , Hidayat Nur Wahid (3.8 percent), Surya Paloh (2.3 percent), Sri Mulyani (2 percent), Ani Yudhoyono (1.6 percent), Hatta Rajasa (1.6 percent), Anas Urbaningrum (1, 5 percent), Sutanto (0.2 percent), and Djoko Suyanto (0.2 percent).
"Megawati, Prabowo, and Aburizal are the three strongest candidates," said Widdi Aswindi, JSI Executive Director.
• VIVAnews | | | | 
Prabowo ranked highest as presidential candidate
Wed, October 26 2011 21:03 Jakarta (ANTARA News) - Prabowo Subianto, chairman of the Advisory Board of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), is ranked the highest as a presidential candidate, according to survey results released here on Wednesday.
The results of the survey by the Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicate from October 3-8, 2011 in 33 provinces in the country involving 1,318 respondents showed 28 percent of respondents chose Prabowo as presidential candidate while 10.6 percent chose Constitutional Court chairman Mahfud MD.
Other candidates included former economic minister Sri Mulyani (7.4 percent), Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie
(6.8 percent), Nahdlatul Ulama Islamic organization chief Said Akil Siradj (6.0 percent), Muhammadiyah Islamic leader
Din Syamsuddin (5.2 percent), army chief of staff General Pramono Edhie Wibowo (4.2 percent), former vice president
Jusuf Kalla (4.0 percent), chief security minister Djoko Suyanto (3.2 percent), chief economic minister Hatta Rajasa
(2.8 percent) and businessman Surya Paloh (2.5 percent).
Soegeng Saryadi Syndicate executive director Toto Sugiarto said most respondents had chosen a military figure to be
the country`s next president because they missed a strict leader and therefore 65 percent had chosen Prabwowo.
"33.8 percent of respondents still believe a military figure is fit to be elected president in 2014," he said.
Second in the ranking was an academic collecting 17.2 votes, followed by religious figure (12.1 percent), businessman (9.7 percent) and political party figure (8.9 percent).
The results of the survey done based on a stratified random sampling indicated that the military-civilian dichotomy has not yet completely vanished.
The choice of a military figure correlates with public desire for the government to focus on corruption eradication.
A total of 40.5 percent of respondents urged the government to immediately settle the corruption and bribery problems.
Other problems needing urgent settlements were poverty according to 29.8 percent of respondents, unemployment (16 percent), mafia operations in all sectors (10.4 percent) and sovereignty (3.1 percent).
About a vice president, most respondents choose an honest and smart person. The two qualities were represented in Constitutional Court figure Mahfud MD who won 15.6 percent of votes.
Following him were Sri Mulyani Indrawati (8.0 percent), Pramono Edhie Wibowo (7.1 percent), Din Syamsuddin (6.8 percent), KH Said Aqil Siradj (6.3 percent), Djoko Suyanto (3.9 percent) and Puan Maharani, the daughter of former president Megawati Soekarnoputri (3.0 percent).
Earlier, the Reform Institute issued survey results showing Aburizal Bakrie to be the most popular figure as a candidate for the 2014 presidential elections. He obtained 13.58 percent votes of 2,010 respondents involved in the survey.
In the survey Prabowo Subianto was ranked second with 8.46 percent of the votes.
Editor: Priyambodo RH
COPYRIGHT © 2011 | | |
Golkar announces Bakrie as candidate for 2014 presidential elections
The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Mon, 09/12/2011 4:27 PM
Aburizal Bakrie
The Golkar Party has come up with a consensus during the national consolidation meeting in Denpasar, Bali, to support party chairman Aburizal Bakrie in his run for the 2014 presidential elections.
"The [consolidation] meeting was initially scheduled to run for two days from Sunday to Monday but it was shortened since the Golkar executive board unanimously agreed to support Aburizal Bakrie as the party's presidential candidate for 2014," said Ketut Sudikerta, chairman of Golkar's Bali chapter, on Monday as quoted by Antara news wire.
Ketut said that Bakrie was the right man to represent the people.
"Pak Ical is the right figure to lead Indonesia in the future. We are optimistic lending our support to him," Sudikerta said, "Ical" refers to Aburizal's nickname.
According to Ketut, the Bali consensus will be officially formulated at the party's national leaders meeting, which will be
held as soon as possible. | Ical tones down presidential bid talk
Bagus BT Saragih, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Thu, 10/27/2011 6:48 AM
Despite signs of internal support, businessman and Golkar Party chairman Aburizal “Ical” Bakrie is playing down plans to run for president in 2014.
Ical, dubbed one of the strongest potential contenders in 2014, has been called Golkar’s most appropriate candidate by party officials at the regional level.
“People have aspirations … that’s normal. This is democracy,” Ical said on the sidelines of Golkar’s national executive board meeting in North Jakarta on Wednesday.
Ical said he would not rush into running for president, wanting to focus on improving the popularity of Golkar’s legislative candidates during the run-up to the election.
“In the last legislative election we received 14.45 percent [of the vote]. Recent surveys show our popularity is at 18 percent. I believe we can reach 20 percent, or even 30 or 35 percent, in the 2014 election – more than the PDI-P [Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle] received in the 1999 election,” Ical said in his speech at the meeting.
“Our study of the aspirations of Golkar at the grassroots level nationwide is still not enough.”
Ical said Golkar’s would name its presidential candidate in 2012. Observers expected the meeting to be a forum for the party to formally back Ical as its candidate in 2014.
The agenda of the meeting, which ends on Friday, includes a discussion of the upcoming election.
The meeting on Wednesday was attended by more than 700 Golkar members from across the nation, who crowded the meeting room while shouting “Go Golkar!”
Delegates applauded during the opening address of meeting chairman Sharif Cicip Sutarjo after he dubbed Ical as “the most recognizable figure to be the next president.”
A Golkar member from South Kalimantan who declined to be named said that party officials down to the regency level in the province agreed to support Ical should he be named the party’s candidate.
“We have no other option,” another Golkar member from Papua said.
Analysts have called Ical’s reluctance to openly or quickly accept support for a presidential bid part of a wait-and-see strategy to gauge the response of other major political groups.
Several surveys have named Ical one of the most popular potential candidates in 2014.
However, observers have said Ical’s bid could face serious threats from other potential hopefuls, such as former Army Strategic Reserves Command chief Lt. Gen. (ret.) Prabowo Subianto, the founder of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra); and former Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati.
Some surveys, however, have placed Ical behind PDI-P chairwoman and former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, the daughter of the nation’s first president.
Observers said that the ongoing mud flow disaster in Sidoarjo, East Java, which has been linked to an operational failure by energy companies belonging to the Bakrie family, might be a liability that competitors could exploit during the race.
Others said that the Democratic Party’s best option to replace Yudhoyono, who cannot run for relection due to term limits, would be to nominate reform icon Sri Mulyani as its presidential candidate.
Yudhoyono’s latest Cabinet reshuffle, which included the firing of Fadel Muhammad as Maritime Affairs and Fishery Minister, was seen by some as an effort to please Ical. Fadel, a top Golkar executive, had close ties to Golkar chief patron Akbar Tandjung, who frequently opposed Ical’s policies within the party. | | | | Possible Candidates | |
*
| Sri Mulyani Indrawati, Managing Director of World Bank Group, former Minister of Finance[5] | | * | Anas Urbaningrum, chairman of Democratic Party[6] | | * | Prabowo Subianto, former Army Strategic and Reserve (KOSTRAD) commander and 2009 vice presidential candidate [7] | | * | Aburizal Bakrie, chairman of Golkar Party [8] | | * | Hatta Rajasa, Coordinating Minister for Economy [9] | | * | Mahfud MD, Chairman of Indonesian Constitutional Court [10] | | * | Wiranto, former Indonesian Armed Forces commander and 2004 presidential candidate, 2009 vice presidential candidate[11] | | * | Megawati Soekarnoputri, former president [12] | | * | Jusuf Kalla, former Vice President [13] | | * | Sutiyoso, former Governor of Jakarta [14] | | * | Pramono Edhie Wibowo, Army Chief of Staff [15] | | | | Presidential Candidates 2014 | | |
|
| | 
| | FOREIGN DIPLOMATS TRYING TO INFLUENCE 2014 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS 
Interview with Lt.General (Ret) Sayidiman Suryohadiprodjo
Jakarta, 28 July 2011 Foreign diplomats have contacted PPDA, the Association of Retired Army Officers, to seek support for the candidacy of
Sri Mulyani as President. Sri Mulyani, World Bank Managing Director a in Washington DC, was Finance Minister in the current SBY government
prior to her Worlbank appointment. Lt General (Ret) Sayidiman told Indonesia Digest Editor in an intervew that when he heard the news, he immediately sought confirmation from PPAD. Lt General (Ret) Kiki Sjahnakri (PPAD Head Research Department) confirmed to him that a US embassy official had contacted him on the subject, whilst an Australian envoy had talked to a number of PPAD members. I consider this intervention in Indonesian affairs, he said.
He explained that in his opinion the US does not want to lose control on Indonesia for various reasons. | | | | 
LetJen TNI (Purn) Sayidiman Suryohadiprojo ,
mantan Gubernur Lemhannnas (1974),
terakhir Penasehat Presiden Habibie urusan ketahanan nasional
Jakarta 31 July 2011 | Jakarta, 31 July 2011
News widely circulated in the country that foreign diplomats had approached the PPAD (Persatuan Purnawirawan Angkatan Darat - Association of Retired Army Officers) in an attempt to seek their support for the candidacy of
Sri Mulyani as President in the upcoming 2014 presidential elections. Sri Mulyani, World Bank Managing Director in Washington DC, was Finance Minister in the current SBY government
prior to her Worlbank appointment. Lt General (Ret.) Sayidiman Suryohadiprodjo told Indonesia Digest Editor that when he heard the news, he immediately sought confirmation from PPAD. | "Lt General (Ret) Kiki Sjahnakri confirmed to me that a US embassy official had contacted him on the subject, whilst an Australian envoy had talked to a number of PPAD members." I consider this intervention in Indonesian affairs", Mr Saydiman said.
As regards the reason for the intervention he stated: "The US does not want to lose control over Indonesia.". | | Analysis: The US and Australia supporting Sri Mulyani for President.
What is behind this attempt to promote the candidacy if Sri Mulyani with the support of the US and Australia?
They certainly must have been aware of the fact that their invasive attempts would immediately receive wide publicity. Politics is politics and the question arises: Is this not an attempt to hide their real support for a
different candidate? It is widely understood that the US would like a military figure as the future president. It has been mentioned that they support General Prabowo for the position.
It would be typical to cover up their real intentions and launch the Sri Mulyani candidacy as a test balloon to measure
the political response. In reply to the question why foreign governments, especially the US government, would meddle in the presidential election process, Mr Sayidiman referred to the relevant analysis outlined in his book "Rakyat Sejahtera, Negara Kuat". | | | 
| 
Mr Sayidiman , citing his views as outlined in his book :
"Rakyat Sejahtera, Negara Kuat". stated that this political scenario should be seen in the context of the US ambition in Asia where China has
appeared as a global power threatening their hegemony.
The US does not want to lose Indonesia. | | | "The US does not want to lose Indonesia and will do all they can to maintain control over our country." This should be seen in the context of the US ambitions in Asia where China has appeared as a global power threatening US interests. The rise of China as an economic power represent very strong international dynamics.
The development of China, particularly their industry, triggers the requirement for a tremendous need for energy supplies. China has already approached the different suppliers of the world. It is in the interest of the US to maintain control over Southeast Asia as part of their ambition to preserve world hegemony. At this time it is their main priority to keep close relations with countries with a Moslem majority and keep their orientation directed to the US. This will only be possible if the government leadership of those countries is in the hands of US oriented persons, are US allies. In the current global constellation where China's political and economic power is threatening the US position, Indonesia with its strategic geographical location is considered of great importance. The three main factors impacting the US strategy towards China are: 1. "Freedom of movement", free control over the use of strategic waters
2. "Energy resouces", considering the escalating requirements of China's industry 3. The precair Food resources situation in the face of growing "Scarcity of Food" prospects as a result of the rapid world population growth. Why would they support Sri Mulyani?
Considering her background experience in the IMF and Worldbank they hope to be able to play a role in control of Indonesia's economic and political development. However, Mr Saydiman expressed his doubts on whether Sri Mulyani can win the necessary support from the Indonesian people. This factor has undoubtedly been taking into account by the foreign governments. The US and Australia most certainly must have expected that their approach towards the PPAD could not remain secret and would not be welcomed in Indonesian political circles. This gives rise to the question: "Was this just a "camoufllage attempt", a strategy to "cover-up" their real intents, their real support for a future president meeting their requirements for a friendly and capable ally" This is a real probability that should not be neglected, Mr Saydiman stated in reply to the question. | | | | 
Foreign involvement in CETRO
Mr. Sayidiman mentioned another matter troubling him, i.e. the happenings around CETRO (Centre for Electoral Reform)
CETRO was formed on 3 September 1999 for legislative reform of the electoral system promoting honest and fair elections, and consitutional reform. It is sponsored by the National Democratic Institute, an institution which has close ties to the Democratic Party of the USA. Why should there be foreign participation in the discussions on electoral and constitutional reforms? he asked.
This is a domestic matter that does not require any foreign aid, assistance involvement or interference.
Reformation allows amendmends to the 1945 Constituion, which then will no longer be the 1945 Constitution. The big question is : Why should foreign institutions fund and atttend those electoral reform and constitutional amendmend meetings?
Until 3 September 2009 approx. Rp 45 billion has been spent with financial assistance from UNDP, US AID, NDI and the British Embassy. What is their role in the Indonesian electorate system reform?? 2014 Presidential Election.
As ex soldiers and members of the Army, we retirees affiliated to the PPAD, continue to follow the developments and share the desire to improve the nation's condition. I still support President SB Yudhoyono and hope that he will succeed
in his efforts, he is our elected President. But I am afraid that between now and 2014 the threat exists of a decline in and gradually worsening of the nation's conditions. PPAD members actively continue to evaluate prospective candidates to be entrusted the task of improving national conditions, focusing on the fact that development of a strong nation is based on the prosperity of their people.
Pancasila should truly be the basic principle of the country. The future President has to have the leadership potential to guide the country towards more orderly conditions, with
proper attention for the welfare of the people, the ability to correct existing negative conditions hampering development
to prevent a collapse of our development efforts.
In view of the vastness of our country the President cannot carry out these duties alone but has to be supported by a
team of capable co-workers and assistants.
Has PPAD already selected their 2014 Presidential candidate?
Not yet, still under evaluation, Mr Sayidiman stated, | | | |
| | | 
Lt General (Ret.) Sayidiman Suryohadiprojo
31 July 2011 | Diplomat Amerika dan Australia mencari dukungan PPAD untuk Sri Muljani sebagai Presiden.
31 Juli 2011
Menjelang pemilihan Presiden 2014 wakil negara asing telah mendekati PPAD (Persatuan Purnawirawan Angkatan Darat) untuk mendukung pencalonan Sri Mulyani Indrawati presiden pada pemilu tahun 2014.
Ketua Persatuan Purnawirawan TNI AD (PPAD) Letjen Purn Soeryadi menyatakan bahwa perwakilan negara asing itu mendekati sejumlah purnawirawan TNI AD melalui diskusi tentang kondisi politik nasional. Mereka diberitakan mencari dukungan Sri Mulyani sebagai capres pada Pemilu 2014. Namun, purnawirawan TNI AD tidak menyikapi secara kelembagaan.
| | |
Dalam wawancara dengan dengan LetJen TNI (Purn) Sayidiman Suryohadiprojo , mantan Gubernur Lemhannnas (1974), terakhir Penasehat Presiden Habibie urusan ketahanan nasional, beliau membenarkan berita ini. " Karena ingin mengetahui kebenaran tidaknya saya langsung menghubungi Letnan Jenderal TNI (Purn), Kiki Sjahnakri, (Ketua Badan Pengkajian PPAD) yang mengkonfirmasikan kebenaran berita ini. Rupa2nya diplomat Amerika Serikat menghubungi LetJen Kiki Sjahnakri sementara diplomat Australia menghubungi sejumlah anggauta senior PPAD .
"Ini merupakan suatu intervensi", demikian ujar Bapak Sajidiman.
Pertanyaan mengapa fihak asing, terutama Amerika Serikat, ingin turut campur dalam proses pemilihan presiden dijawab dengan menunjuk ke analysis dalam buku yang ditulis olehnya tahun 2007 "Rakyat Sejahtera Negara Kuat".
Perkembangan ini harus dilihat dalam rangka ambisi AS di Asia dan munculnya China sebagai suatu kekuatan global yang mengancam kepentingan mereka. Perkembangan China sebagai kekuatan ekonomi merupakan sumber dynamika internasional yang kuat sekali. Perkembangan ekonomi China, khususnya industri, mengakibatkan keperluan energi yang tinggi. Untuk itu sudah tampak usaha China mendekati pemasok minyak di seluruh dunia.
Amerika sangat berkepentingan memperoleh kontrol atas Asia Tenggara bagi perebutan hegemoni dunia. Kepentingan AS sekarang adalah agar negara-negara berpenduduk mayoritas Islam sebanyak mungkin berorientasi kepada AS. Itu hanya mungkin kalau pemerintah negara-negara itu dipegang orang-orang yang berkiblat pada AS. AS selalu berusaha mempengaruhi perkembangan politik untuk menjadikan Indonesia berkiblat atau sekurang-kurangnya sangat dekat pada dirinya.
Dalam konstellasi global saat ini dimana kekuatan politik dan ekonomi China tak dapat disingkirkan, Indonesia dengan posisi geografi yang strategis di anggap sangat penting.
Tiga faktor utama yang mempengaruhi strategi AS adalah pengamanan kepentingan mereka menghadapi China sbb: : | 1 | "Freedom of movement", pemakaian bebas perairan strategis | | 2. | Sumber energi (energy resources) mengingat kebutuhan industri China yang menanjak. | | 3 | Sumber pangan (food resources) makin "precair", menghadapi prospek "Scarcity of food" dengan pesatnya pertumbuhan penduduk | | | Mengapa AS mencari dukungan untuk Sri Mulyani? Dengan latar belakang pekerjaan di IMF dan Worldbankdi Amerika Serikat niscaya mereka mengharapkan dapat berperan dalam mengontrol pembangunan Indonesia.
Tetapi LetJen Sayidiman meragukan apakah Sri Mulyani akan berhasil mendapat dukungan cukup dari masyarakat Indonesia.
Hal ini pasti juga sudah diperhitungkan oleh fihak asing. Amerika dan Australia niscaya faham bahwa pendekatan mereka ke fihak PPAD tidak dapat dirahasiakandan tidak akan disambut baik dikalangan dunia politik Indonesia, di anggap sebagai intervensi dalam politik dalam negeri.
Timbul pertanyaan apakah usaha pendekatan fihak America dan Australia ini hanya merupakan suatu strategi "camouflage" atau "cover-up" untuk menutup kegiatan lain, yakni secara diam2 mendukung seorang calon lain yang memenuhi kriteria kepentingan mereka seperti disebut diatas. Kemungkinan ini pasti ada, ujar Bapak Sayidiman atas pertanyaan. CETRO
Bapak Sayidiman juga melihat peran Cetro yang disponsori oleh NDI (National Democratic Institute) satu lembaga
yang erat dengan Partai Demokrat di AS, dalam perkembangan politik ini. Cetro (Center for electoral reform ) yang didirikan 9 september 1999 maksudnya mengolah reformasi sistem pemilihan dan UUD 1945.
Harus dipertanyakan mengapa fihak asing menghadiri pembahasan2 electoral reform yang bersangkutan dan membiayai usaha ini.
Hinggga 3 September 2000 biaya yang dikeluarkan mencapai kl. Rp4.5 milliard dengan bantuan biaya dari UNDP, US Aid, NDI (faction Madelein Allbright) dan British Embassy, demikian dikatakan Bapak Sayidiman.
Mengapa fihak luar negeri berpartisipasi dalam pembahasan amandemen UUD 1945 dan reformasi sistem pemilihan? Bukankah ini merupakan urusan dalam negeri yang tidak memerlukan bantuan/turut campur fihak asing? Reformasi memungkinkan UUD 45 di amandemen sehingga bukan UUD 1945 lagi.
Sebagai bekas pejoang dan anggauta Angkatan Darat para Purnawiran yang tergabung dalam PPAD tetap mengikuti perkembangan dan ingin perbaikan kondisi negara kita. Saya tetap mendukung Presiden SBY dan harap dia berhasil, beliau adalah Presiden terpilih. Tetapi saya khawatir bahwa antara sekarang dan 2014 ada bahaya kondisi negara akan mundur (decline), makin tidak teratur.
Purnawiran AD turut memikirkan calon yang baik untuk menghadapi perbaikan kondisi negara dengan mengingat bahwa jika rakyat sejahtera, negara akan kuat. Hendaknya Pancasila betul2 dijadikan sebagai dasar negara.
Calon Presiden 2014 harus ada potensi kepemimpinan, sanggup membawa Indonesia kearah yang lebih teratur, mempedulikan kesejahteraan rakyat, memperbaiki kekurangan yang masih menghambat, jangan sampai usaha pembangunan mengalami kegagalan,
Karena Indonesia suatu negara besar tugas Presiden tidak dapat dijalankan sendiri tetapi harus didukung oleh team kawan-kawan yang kapabel. Apakah PPAD sudah memilih calon Presiden 2014?
"Belum, masih dalam pembahasan", kata Bapak Sayidiman. | | |
|
|
| |
Prabowo ranked highest as presidential candidate
Wed, October 26 2011
Jakarta (ANTARA News) - Prabowo Subianto, chairman of the Advisory Board of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), is ranked the highest as a presidential candidate, according to survey results released here on Wednesday.
The results of the survey by the Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicate from October 3-8, 2011 in 33 provinces in the country involving 1,318 respondents showed 28 percent of respondents chose Prabowo as presidential candidate while 10.6 percent chose Constitutional Court chairman Mahfud MD.
Other candidates included former economic minister Sri Mulyani (7.4 percent), Golkar Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie (6.8 percent), Nahdlatul Ulama Islamic organization chief Said Akil Siradj (6.0 percent), Muhammadiyah Islamic leader Din Syamsuddin (5.2 percent), army chief of staff General Pramono Edhie Wibowo (4.2 percent), former vice president Jusuf Kalla (4.0 percent), chief security minister Djoko Suyanto (3.2 percent), chief economic minister Hatta Rajasa (2.8 percent) and businessman Surya Paloh (2.5 percent).
Soegeng Saryadi Syndicate executive director Toto Sugiarto said most respondents had chosen a military figure to be the country`s next president because they missed a strict leader and therefore 65 percent had chosen Prabwowo.
"33.8 percent of respondents still believe a military figure is fit to be elected president in 2014," he said.
Second in the ranking was an academic collecting 17.2 votes, followed by religious figure (12.1 percent), businessman (9.7 percent) and political party figure (8.9 percent).
The results of the survey done based on a stratified random sampling indicated that the military-civilian dichotomy has not yet completely vanished.
The choice of a military figure correlates with public desire for the government to focus on corruption eradication.
A total of 40.5 percent of respondents urged the government to immediately settle the corruption and bribery problems.
Other problems needing urgent settlements were poverty according to 29.8 percent of respondents, unemployment (16 percent), mafia operations in all sectors (10.4 percent) and sovereignty (3.1 percent).
About a vice president, most respondents choose an honest and smart person. The two qualities were represented in Constitutional Court figure Mahfud MD who won 15.6 percent of votes.
Following him were Sri Mulyani Indrawati (8.0 percent), Pramono Edhie Wibowo (7.1 percent), Din Syamsuddin (6.8 percent), KH Said Aqil Siradj (6.3 percent), Djoko Suyanto (3.9 percent) and Puan Maharani, the daughter of former president Megawati Soekarnoputri (3.0 percent).
Earlier, the Reform Institute issued survey results showing Aburizal Bakrie to be the most popular figure as a candidate for the 2014 presidential elections. He obtained 13.58 percent votes of 2,010 respondents involved in the survey.
In the survey Prabowo Subianto was ranked second with 8.46 percent of the votes.
Editor: Priyambodo RH
COPYRIGHT © 2011
| | | Prabowo dan Mahfud Capres Terfavorit
Penulis : Donny Andhika AM
Rabu, 26 Oktober 2011 13:09 WIB
JAKARTA--MICOM: Popularitas Ketua Dewan Pembina Partai Gerindra Prabowo Subianto dan Ketua Mahkamah Kontitusi Mahfud MD paling banyak mendapat dukungan publik sebagai calon Presiden 2014.
Paling tidak hal tersebut tergambar dalam hasil survei Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicate (SSS) yang dirilis di Jakarta, Rabu (26/10).
Sebanyak 28% masyarakat memilih Prabowo sebagai calon Presiden mendatang. Sedangkan Mahfud mendapatkan angka 10,6%. Survei itu dilakukan pada periode 3-8 Oktober 2011 dengan menggunakan metode stratified random sampling terhadap 1.318 orang responden di 33 provinsi di Indonesia.
Selain Prabowo dan Mahfud, beberapa calon lainnya yang dipilih masyarakat, yakni Sri Mulyani (7,4%), Aburizal Bakrie (6,8%), Said Akil Siradj (6%), Din Syamsuddin (5,2%), Pramono Edhie Wibowo (4,2 %), Jusuf Kalla (4,0%), Djoko Suyanto (3,2%), Hatta Rajasa (2,8 %), dan Surya Paloh (2,5%).
Peneliti SSS, Ari Nurcahyo mengatakan alasan responden memilih Prabowo sebagai capres adalah karena beberapa faktor.
Ia memaparkan sebanyak 66,5% masyarakat memilih Prabowo karena ketegasannya, dan 19,9% memandang Prabowo memiliki kewibawaan yang cukup sebagai calon Presiden.
Sementara itu, Mahfud dipilih karena kejujurannya sebesar 37%, kepandaian 22,8%, dan ketegasan 21,7%.
"Jadi, dari data tersebut tampak masyarakat sekarang ini cenderung rindu akan ketegasan. Boleh jadi ini merupakan bandul yang bergerak diametral karena publik menilai karakter kepemimpinan Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono yang peragu," ujar Ari.
Menurut pengamat politik J Kristiadi, kombinasi kedua nama tersebut akan menciptakan keseimbangan yang baik.
"Sosok tegas itu akan dibutuhkan untuk membawa bangsa ini ke arah mana. Dan dengan nama Mahfud MD di bawahnya, itu akan menjadikan keseimbangan yang cukup baik bagi karakter pemimpin yang tegas dari militer," kata Kristiadi. (*/OL-12) | |
|
| |
With no SBY or Mega, Prabowo to face Ical
Tifa Asrianti, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Mon, 10/31/2011 1
The 2104 presidential election will likely see a duel between general-turned-businessman Prabowo Subianto and Golkar Party chairman and business tycoon Aburizal “Ical” Bakrie, according to political observers.
During its leadership meeting last week, Golkar, pegged to come out on top in the 2014 legislative elections, has nominated Aburizal as its presidential candidate for the upcoming election, while Prabowo has long since expressed his ambitions to join the race after failing in 2009.
A series of recent surveys and expert analyses have confirmed that without incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, chairwoman of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) in the race, the presidency would likely come down to Aburizal and Prabowo.
Under the Constitution, Yudho-yono can’t run for a third presidential term, while Megawati is facing mounting pressure within and outside her party to pick a younger candidate to represent the party in 2014.
Of three recent surveys about the presidential candidates by three different poll bodies, one put Aburizal in the strongest position, while two others placed Prabowo as the likely winner if both Yudhoyono and Megawati did not run.
A survey by the Reform Institute pegged Aburizal as the early favorite with 13.58 percent, followed by Prabowo Subianto with 8.46 percent, Jusuf Kalla with 7.06 percent, Hidayat Nurwahid with 5.17 percent and First Lady Ani Yudhoyono with 4.13 percent.
A poll by Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicate said that without Yudhoyono and Megawati in the running, Prabowo would be the top vote-getter with 28 percent, followed by Mahfud M.D. with 10.6 percent, Sri Mulyani Indrawati with 7.4 percent and Aburizal Bakrie with 6.8 percent.
An Indonesian Voice Network (JSI) survey conducted from Oct. 10–15 included Megawati, who was most favored by 19.6 percent of respondents. She was followed by Prabowo with 10.8 percent, Aburizal with 8.9 percent and Wiranto with 7.3 percent.
However, experts have agreed that although Aburizal has the Golkar political machine and strong financial resources behind him, he faces a number of stumbling blocks.
A University of Indonesia political analyst said the three polls showed that voters still wanted a president from Java, while many still preferred soldiers over entrepreneurs.
“Aburizal needs to conduct a thorough analysis of whether the people will vote for the party or for him specifically, because in 2004, the Golkar Party won the legislative election but lost the presidential election,” he said.
Political observer Andrinof Chaniago said Aburizal had a small chance at winning, saying the more likely candidates to watch were familiar faces such as Megawati, Prabowo and Wiranto.
“People need to believe that the candidate can deliver their hopes. After that, there are other factors such as [ethnic background] and religious background,” he said.
Andrinof added that even if the Golkar Party teamed up with the Democratic Party for support, Aburizal would still face difficulties breaking into the top five, because the candidate’s character would still play important role in the election.
Some have speculated that the President may order his Democratic Party to team up with Golkar, allowing First Lady Ani to be Aburizal’s vice president.
Another political analyst, Yunarto Wijaya, said Aburizal had his flaws to address, including the Lapindo mud case and tax mafia allegations.
“People already know Prabowo from the 2009 election, and his party has a pro-poor policy similar to the PDI-P.
If Mega does not join the election, the votes for her might go to Prabowo. Even if Mega’s daughter, Puan Maharani, runs,
she has yet to attract voters like her mother,” he said.
| | | 
| | |
|
| | 
Megawati Soekarnoputri and Prabowo Subianto
(Antara/ Widodo S Jusuf) |
Surveys Name Three Presidential Candidates
"Megawati, Prabowo, and Aburizal are the three strongest candidates"
27 October 2011, VIVAnews - Three research institutes have released surveys on the electability of party and presidential candidates. All three revealed a number of figures who are considered the most popular to participate in the 2014 general elections. | | | Reform Institute, which conducted the survey between September 12 to 24, 2011, found that if Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Megawati Sukarnoputri are excluded, General Chairman of Golkar Party Aburizal Bakrie tops the list with 13.58 percent of votes. Prabowo Subianto follows with 8.46 percent, Jusuf Kalla 7.06 percent, Hidayat Nurwahid 5.17 percent, and Ani Yudhoyono 4.13 percent.
Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicate (SSS) which held the surveys on October 3-8, 2011, stated, if Yudhoyono and Megawati are not involved, Prabowo would garner most of the votes, by 28 percent of the respondents. Coming next are Mahfud MD with 10.6 percent, Sri Mulyani Indrawati 7.4 percent, Aburizal Bakrie 6.8 percent, KH Said Aqil Siradj 6 percent, Din Syamsuddin 5.2 percent, Pramono Edhie Wibowo 4.2 percent, Jusuf Kalla 4.0 percent and a dozen other names pocketing below 4 percent.
SSS also conducted a special survey on vice presidential candidates. Mahfud MD is the figure for whom respondents would vote, amounting to 15.6 percent. After him are Sri Mulyani with 8 percent, Pramono Edhie Wibowo 7.1 percent, Din Syamsuddin 6.8 percent, Said Aqil Siradj and Djoko Suyanto each 3.9 percent, and Puan Maharani 3 percent.
A different name list was resulted by Indonesia Vote Network (JSI), which surveyed on October 10 to 15, 2011. Being included in this survey, Megawati was selected as a presidential candidate with the highest support, which is 19.6 percent. Other presidential candidates whom the general public prefer after Megawati are, successively, Prabowo Subianto (10.8 percent), Aburizal Bakrie (8.9 percent), Wiranto (7.3 percent), Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X (6.5 percent) , Hidayat Nur Wahid (3.8 percent), Surya Paloh (2.3 percent), Sri Mulyani (2 percent), Ani Yudhoyono (1.6 percent), Hatta Rajasa (1.6 percent), Anas Urbaningrum (1, 5 percent), Sutanto (0.2 percent), and Djoko Suyanto (0.2 percent).
"Megawati, Prabowo, and Aburizal are the three strongest candidates," said Widdi Aswindi, JSI Executive Director.
• VIVAnews | | |
| | Indonesian presidential election, 2014
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The next Indonesian presidential election will be held in 2014. It will be Indonesia's third direct presidential election, and will elect a president for a five year term. Incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is constitutionally barred from seeking third term in the election. | Possible Candidates | |
*
| Sri Mulyani Indrawati, Managing Director of World Bank Group, former Minister of Finance[5] | | * | Anas Urbaningrum, chairman of Democratic Party[6] | | * | Prabowo Subianto, former Army Strategic and Reserve (KOSTRAD) commander and 2009 vice presidential candidate [7] | | * | Aburizal Bakrie, chairman of Golkar Party [8] | | * | Hatta Rajasa, Coordinating Minister for Economy [9] | | * | Mahfud MD, Chairman of Indonesian Constitutional Court [10] | | * | Wiranto, former Indonesian Armed Forces commander and 2004 presidential candidate, 2009 vice presidential candidate[11] | | * | Megawati Soekarnoputri, former president [12] | | * | Jusuf Kalla, former Vice President [13] | | * | Sutiyoso, former Governor of Jakarta [14] | | * | Pramono Edhie Wibowo, Army Chief of Staff [15] | | |
| | 
Sri Mulyani is one of the potential candidates to replace Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Indonesian former Finance Minister and currently as a Managing Director of World Bank is one of the potential candidates to be Indonesian next President to replace Indonesian currently President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the next Indonesian Presidential ballot election in 2014.
Scramble hot seat topnotch people still four years away. But who replaces SBY decent figure as head of government plus the Head of State would appear early on. | 
Former finance minister’s possible candidacy
could set the stage for an epic political battle | Starting from the presence www.srimulyani.net site, Sri Mulyani be one figure who championed the stock will enter the presidential candidate of 2014. Managing Director at the World Bank is called will compete fortune that had won public sympathy because of slack
Century bank scandal allegations. Director of Civil Circle for Indonesia (LIMA), Ahmad Fauzi - usually called Ray Rangkuti - call, Sri Mulyani opportunity to run for presidency in 2014 somewhat large. "She's that pitted, she's bigger opportunities," said Ray Rangkuti at the Parliament building, Jakarta, Friday (10/01/2010). Sri Mulyani for Indonesia's President?
Thursday, August 4, 2011 Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, facing trouble from corruption allegations in his Democrat Party, faces difficulty on another flank with the announcement Wednesday that a new political party has been registered in the name of Sri Mulyani Indrawati, his former finance minister, for the 2014 Presidential campaign.
If, as expected, she does run, her candidacy would set up a crystal-clear contrast with what appears to be endemic corruption among leaders of the Democrats, which has embarrassed Yudhoyono and driven down his popularity ratings over the past three months. It would set up an even bigger confrontation – and contrast – with Aburizal Bakrie, one of Indonesia’s richest tycoons and a man who has made no secret of his ambition to run for the presidency himself.
Before her departure from the government in May 2010, Sri Mulyani was considered representative of a new Indonesia that sought to break away from decades of corruption and governmental patrimony. Her reforms have been given widespread credit for Indonesia’s economic turnaround. Bakrie, by contrast, heads Golkar, the political party set up by the late strongman Suharto and which has been regarded mostly as a vehicle to allow top members to avail themselves of government patronage.
Sri Mulyani left Yudhoyono’s cabinet after an epic series of confrontations in which she refused to bail out Bakrie’s coal interests with government funds after the Indonesian stock market collapsed at the onset of the global financial crisis. She also insisted on investigating Bakrie’s interests on tax fraud charges involving tens of millions of dollars, and refused to agree that a huge gas well blowout caused by a Bakrie subsidiary was a natural disaster. The mud flow from the blowout has inundated 12 villages of East Java and driven 40,000 people from their homes.
After her departure for the World Bank, where she was named as one of three governors, overseeing the bank’s activities in 74 countries in Latin America, the Asia Pacific, Middle East and North Africa, all of the cases against Bakrie were shelved. In an interview with the Wall Street Journal, she blamed the tycoon for her departure from the government.
The new party, to be named as the Independent People’s Union – conveniently known by its Indonesian-language initials SRI, was officially registered with the Justice and Human Rights Ministry on Wednesday. Damianus Taufan, the new party’s chairman, told reporters the party officials have not approached Sri Mulyani to see if she wants the job. However, rumors have been circulating for months in Jakarta that the former finance minister, who will be 49 on Aug. 26, would like to return to take on the country’s vast corruption and particularly Bakrie.
Despite her personal popularity, a handful of reformers in Jakarta is going to need an awful lot of help to get the word to places where traditionally campaigning consists of handing out money in return for votes. But it takes considerable party machinery throughout a sprawling nation that famously covers nearly 13,500 islands and is comprised of 33 provinces, ranging from relatively cosmopolitan Jakarta to places – admittedly not too many anymore -- where people still wear penis gourds.
Taufan, however, told reporters he is optimistic about the party’s registration, saying it already has 2,000 members and the required representation in all 33 provinces. But the odds that Sri Mulyani will top the presidential polls in 2014 are probably long unless she can forge a coalition with other parties.
Although they haven’t specifically asked her to head the party, Taufan told reporters, “she knows about our activities and the establishment of the party,” he said. “Hopefully, when she finishes her contract with the World Bank, she will join us.”
Several public figures attended the registration event, including Arbi Sanit, a political analyst from the University of Indonesia; Fikri Jufri, a veteran journalist; Todung Mulya Lubis, a prominent human rights lawyer; and Rocky Gerung, a University of Indonesia philosophy lecturer, all of whom have been tied to reform efforts.
That stands in sharp difference to Yudhoyono’s Democrat Party, which stands in serious danger of being wrecked by allegations of corruption and infighting. Political analysts in Jakarta have called the current scandal the worst of the president’s political career. The party’s fugitive former treasurer is outside the country, continuing to level increasingly credible and detailed charges of corruption over the construction of an athlete’s village facilities for the Southeast Asian Games, to be hosted by Indonesia in the South Sumatra province of Palembang in November.
Although there have been calls by party leaders to get the fugitive, Mohammad Nazaruddin, to come home, there is widespread suspicion in Jakarta that they would prefer that he keep going. His sudden departure in May, a day before he was due to be banned from travel for allegedly accepting US$3 million in bribes over the construction, raised questions whether he was being helped out of the country by party officials.
Despite efforts to shut him up, Nazaruddin has delivered continuing allegations that seemingly grow more explicit with each new revelation, particularly that the party chairman, Anas Urbangingrum, and others were implicated in the bribery scandal, and that the party chairman had engaged in vote-buying. Other party officials have been named in the scandal as well.
Yudhoyono was elected as a reformer in his first term in office, a reputation that burnished considerably by Sri Mulyani’s efforts to clean up the government. That reputation has been tarnished time and again, partly because of the Bakrie episode with Sri Mulyani and now with the athletes’; village scandal, which is being shown repeatedly on the country’s television stations – including interviews with Nazaruddin, who appears relatively easy to find by reporters, but not by the National Police.
An opinion poll by the Indonesia Survey Circle showed the president’s approval rating, reported as high as 90 percent when he was reelected, had fallen from 56.7 percent at the end of 2010 to 47.2 percent in June.
Thus the SRI party, on its face, should stand in vivid contrast to the established parties. Sri Mulyani’s performance as finance minister and her reputation for incorruptibility should be a major selling point. She was given credit for driving up foreign direct investment from US$4.6 billion to US$8.9 billion in a single year. She set out to clean out the notoriously corrupt tax and customs department – not always with success, given the Bakrie interests’ achievement in thwarting her efforts. Asia Sentinel | | | 
15 New Parties Register For 2014
Fifteen new political parties registered for the 2014 general elections ahead of the deadline on Monday night, an official said.
Ronna Nirmala | 12:37 AM August 23, 2011
Fifteen new political parties registered for the 2014 general elections ahead of the deadline on Monday night, an official said.
Sucipto, a spokesman for the Justice and Human Rights Ministry, said the registration closed on Monday at 11:59 p.m.
The Pancasila Democracy Party was the last to register at about 9 p.m. One party that had already registered with the ministry, the Indonesian Nation Sovereignty Party, withdrew its name on Monday without explanation.
Also on Monday, representatives of the Independent People’s Union Party (SRI) submitted some paperwork to complete the registration process it started on Aug. 3. SRI has earned a lot of media coverage for a party its size because of its stated intention to nominate Sri Mulyani Indrawati, the former finance minister and World Bank managing director, as its presidential candidate for 2014.
Achmad Gelora, a ministry official, said the National Republic Party (Nasrep), founded by Hutomo “Tommy” Mandala Putra Suharto, the youngest son of the late President Suharto, also registered for the elections.
Other parties of note to register were the National Democratic Party, linked to Golkar executive Surya Paloh, and the United National Party (PPN), founded by the heads of 12 political parties that failed to win seats in the House of Representatives in the 2009 elections.
The Insulinde National Prosperity Party (Partai Kemakmuran Bangsa Nusantara or PKBN), founded by Yenny Wahid, the daughter of the late former President Abdurrahman “Gus Dur” Wahid, appears to be the new name for the faction of the National Awakening Party (PKB) that she has headed for some time.
Yenny said the PKBN had not officially decided on a presidential candidate. She added, however, that “if most of my supporters agree, then Mahfud will be the PKBN’s sole candidate for the presidency.” She was referring to Constitutional Court chairman Muhammad Mahfud.
Other new parties include the Satria Piningit Party (Chosen Knight Party), the Republican Works Party (PAKAR), the Republican Struggle Party, the Independent Party, the One Republic Party, the Indonesian People’s Force Party, the Thoriqot Islam Party and the
Awakening Great Indonesia Party. The 74 existing registered parties did not need to reregister, but will be subject to verification, Sucipto said.
Achmad said verification would start this week and continue until Sept. 22. The names of the parties that passed the verification would be announced about three weeks after that, he said.
Meanwhile, Apung Widadi, a researcher at Indonesia Corruption Watch, said none of the nine parties at the House had submitted their financial statement for an audit by the BPK, the state audit agency. | | | 
Indonesia Driven by Politics of the Past
Contributed by James Van Zorge
Friday, 19 June 2009
The candidates for president all echo the Suharto era
When I think about how to describe the current crop of Indonesian presidential hopefuls, I have a vision of the past. All
three contenders for president in the polls to be held July 8 are, in their own way, creatures of Indonesia's past. Just a
decade into the reform period, the major political figures in this country all came into prominence during the Suharto era.
Vice President Jusuf Kalla is a classic Suharto-esque businessman; Megawati Sukarnoputri is a woman longing for a
return to the glory days of her father and the incumbent, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a general under
Suharto, is a transitional liberal willing to break with the past but uncertain how to do so decisively.
Golkar standard-bearer and Vice President Jusuf Kalla belongs to a class of businessmen who seem to view politics as a
branch of the family business. Under Suharto, there was nothing wrong with growing one's business while supposedly
serving the public. In this rarefied Manichaean world, monopolies can be a good thing and competition from outside the
club is treated with contempt. This is a conservative world where the tenets of democracy might be tolerated but it is
hardly a place of liberal values and policies.
For businessmen who thrived under the Suharto regime, growing an empire was predicated upon the grace of the
president and his family. Rent-seeking, not competition and open markets, was the magical key for building wealth. In the
United States during the 19th century these kind of figures were called robber barons for good reason.
It is small wonder that Kalla and his cohorts wax eloquently about the Suharto years. More than once Kalla has voiced
his opinion that democracy has gone too far in Indonesia. I worry that if he were to have his way, he would more than
likely dismantle anticorruption agencies, place a muzzle on the media and clamp down on civil and human rights activists.
Given his personal history and values, it is no coincidence that Kalla has chosen retired Gen. (ret.) Wiranto as his
running mate. At a young age, Wiranto was taken under Suharto's wing and served faithfully as the president's adjutant.
In the eyes of Suharto and his children, Wiranto would have made a perfect successor, mostly because he could be
trusted to protect the family's interests and keep the clan firmly in power.
If you think I am exaggerating, consider this: By virtue of where they sit, crony businessmen think of democracy as an
intrusion, an unnecessary import from the Western world and, given the potential stakes, which is the dissolution of an
old order they came to thrive upon, something to be inherently feared. In the words of a famous liberal US Supreme
Court justice, Louis Brandeis: "We can have democracy in this country or we can have great wealth concentrated in the
hands of the few, but we cannot have both."
Former President Megawati Sukarnoputri, in contrast to Kalla, is far from being an avaricious industrialist. Neither does
she dream of returning Indonesia to its Suharto-run past. But for sure, she is thinking deeply about another past —
her father's.
When I first met Megawati in 1997, I asked her about any plans she might have for a political future and what she might
consider as a strategy to reach higher office. Our ensuing conversation, with her eyes swelling in pride whenever I raised
the name of Indonesia's founding leader, Sukarno, was most telling: "Of course I will one day be the president. I often
have conversations with my father about that. But as far as a strategy, you Westerners don't seem to understand. I have
no need for a strategy. Instead, I rely upon something else: Factor X." | |
|
| | 
| 
| Pemilihan Presiden Langsung Fuad Bawazier
(Ang. Panitia Ad Hoc I MPR, Mantan Menteri keuangan) Sejenak berakhirnya kekuasaan pemerintahan Presiden Soeharto, perubahan-perubahan politik dinegeri ini berlangsung dengan sangat pesat. Regulasi politik banyak dinilai telah menghambat kehidupan politik yang sehat, satu persatu mulai dicabut. Konsep dan praktek kehidupan bernegara yang dahulu diidealisasikan atau bahkan disakralkan, kini di gugat dan mulai kehilangan validitas serta relevansinya. | | | Masyarakat negara ini baik yang terikat dalam struktur formal organisasi negara maupun yang tidak memang tengah sibuk untuk mengkaji ulang aturan-aturan lama dan berusaha memformat kembali suatu aturan baru dalam rangka menciptakan sebuah sistem baru sebagai koreksi atas sistem lama yang dinilai telah gagal dalam merespon dinamika perkembangan dan kemajuan masyarakat serta semangat kehidupan negara yang demokratis.
Dalam hubungan ini ketika pembahasan perubahan UUD ’45 tengah berlangsung di MPR melalui badan pekerjanya,salah satu wancana yang mengemuka dan mendapat perhatian lebih adalah gagasan untuk melakukan amandemen terhadap pasal 6 ayat (2). Pemilihan presiden yang dilakukan oleh MPR hendak dirubah menjadi pemilihan langsung oleh rakyat sebagai bagian yang integral dari gagasan untuk membangun sistem baru yang demokratis tadi.
Pemilihan presiden menurut UUD ’45
Dalam prespektif historis, membincangkan masalah pemilihan presiden, di awali pada masa pembahasan rancangan UUD ’45 dalam Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (PPKI). Pilihan sebutan presiden sebagai pemimpin negara diakibatkan oleh keberhasilan anggota Badan Penyelidik Usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (BPUPKI) menetapkan bentuk negara bagi indonesia merdeka yang menolak bentuk negara kerajaan dan bentuk lain kecuali republik.
Dengan jumlah suara 55 bagi bentuk republik berbanding 6 yang memiliki kerajaan, 2 suara memilih bentuk negara lain dan 1 abstain (Yamin, 1959), terlihat jelas dominasi kehendak pendiri negara kepada model negara dimana kedudukan rakyat diletakkan pada posisi yang berhak menentukan kehendak negara (government by the people).
Kata republik ssendiri adalah istilah yang dipakai plato untuk menyebut representative democracy dimana rakyat sesungguhnya tidak menentukan hukum atau menjalankan pemerintahan (secara langsung) tetapi memilih orang lain untuk melakukannya guna membedakannya dengan pengertian pure democracy yang dipraktekkannya dalam pemerintahan city state di Yunani dahulu (Burns, 1989). Salah satu konsekuensi lebih lanjut dari pilihan bentuk negara ini kemudian dituangkan dalam pasal 1 ayat (2) yang menyebutkan ‘kedaulatan adalah ditangan rakyat dan dilakukan sepenuhnya oleh MPR’.
Tentu yang menjadi pertanyaan adalah mengapa pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden dilakukan olehn MPR tidak dilakukan langsung oleh rakyat? Untuk menjawab pertanyaan ini perlu dipahami dahulu kedudukan dan peranan MPR dalam UUD ’45 dan hubungan nya dengan jabatan presiden.
Dalam hubungan pasal 1 ayat (2) diatas, Soepomo memberikan penjelasannya pada Rapat Besar Sidang Pertama Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (PPKI) tanggal 18 Agustus 1945 bahwa, (Bahar, 1995).
“Kedaulatan negara ada di tangan rakyat; sebagai penjelmaan rakyat, dalam suatu badan yang dinamakan disini: Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat. Jadi Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat adalah suatu badan negara yang memegang kedaulatan rakyat, ialah suatu badan yang paling tinggi, yang tidak terbatas kekuasaannya”.
Dari penjelasan itu, UUD ’45 dengan demikian, menempatkan MPR sebagai konkritisasi dari rakyat yang berdaulat. Oleh karena rakyat pemegang kedaulatan atau kekuasaan tertinggi dalam negara, maka konsekuensinya sebagai badan penjelmaan kedaulatan rakyat tadi, MPR memiliki kekuasaan yang tidak terbatas. Ini ditegaskan lagi dalam penjelasan UUD ’45 yang menyebutkan MPR merupakan pemegang kekuasaan negara yang tertinggi.
Dengan kedudukan demikian, MPR dibebani tugas menetapkan Undang-undang Dasar dan menetapkan garis-garis besar haluan negara, seperti yang disebutkan dalam pasal 3 UUD ’45. Garis-garis besar haluan negara yang ditetapkan MPR inilah yang harus dijalankan oleh presiden. Presiden merupakan pihak yang diberi mandat oleh MPR.
Dalam hal ini jelas bahwa posisi presiden dalam hubungannya dengan MPR adalah pelaksana keputusan MPR yang tertuang dalam garis-garis besar haluan negara. Presiden tidak boleh mempunyai haluan politik sendiri diluar yang sudah ditetapkan oleh MPR. Presiden berada dalam subordinasi dan dominasi lembaga ini. Dengan jelas Soepomo menyebutkan, (Bahar, 1995).
“…Maka Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat menetapkan garis-garis besar haluan negara, sedang presiden dan wakil presiden diangkat oleh Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat dan berada dibawah Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat. Jadi Presiden ‘untergeornet’ tidak ‘nebegeornet’ dan dibawah Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat menjalankan haluan negara yang ditetapkan oleh Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat. Presiden tidak boleh mempunyai politik sendiri , tetapi mesti menjalankan haluan negara yang telah ditetapkan, diperintahkan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat. Ia diperintah oleh Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat.
Begitu gambarannya”.
Pola hubungan MPR dan presiden ini memunculkan suatu dimensi lain bagi sumber kekuasaan yang diperoleh presiden. Dalam sistem distribusi kekuasaan UUD ’45, presiden tidak saja memperoleh kekuasaan yang bersumber langsung dari UUD ini seperti yang dirumuskan dalam pasal-pasalnya, tetapi mendapatkan kekuasaan yang sifatnya turunan (derivasi) dari kekuasaa milik lembaga lain yang dilimpahkan kepadanya, (Mulyosudarmo, 1997).
Kekuasaan yang sifatnya turunan ini dapat berupa pelimpahan kekuasaan dalam bentuk ‘pemberian kuasa’ (pemberian mandat) atau pelimpahan kekuasaan dan tanggung jawab (delegasi) (Mulyosudarmo, 1997). Hubungan kekuasaan antara MPR dan presiden yang dikonstruksikan UUD ’45 mengakibatkan presiden dapat memperoleh kekuasaan derivasi dari MPR untuk melakukan tugas-tugas perolehan kekuasaan yang sifat nya derivatif ini, muncul mekanisme pertanggung jawaban antara presiden yang memperoleh kekuasaan terhadap MPR yang memberi kekuasaan.
Dengan alur berpikir yang demikian, mudah dipahami mengapa presiden (dan wakil presiden) menjadi penting untuk dipilih langsung oleh rakyat.
Memang sistem pemerintahan presidential Indonesia dalam hubungan ini memiliki keunikan tersendiri jika dibandingkan dengan sistem presidensial pada umumnya dimana presiden dipilih langsung oleh rakyat, tidak dipilih oleh lembaga perwakilan rakyat sebagaimana praktek yang dilakukan dalam sistem parlementer.
Keunikan ini sangat mungkin terjadi akibat pengaruh sistem pemerintahan kolonial Hindia Belanda di mana pola hubungan antara MPR dengan Preside sama dengan pola hubungan antara Ratu Belanda dengan Gubernur Jenderal yang berlaku pada masa penjajahan sebagaimana diatur dalam konstitusi Hindia Belanda Indische Staatsregeling, (Alrasid, 1999).
Problem sistem Sistemik Pemilihan Tidak langsung melalui MPR.
Pemilihan presiden dalam sistem pemerintahan presidential yang tidak dilakukan langsung oleh rakyat pemilih tetapi diserahkan kepada suatu Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat mengandung beberapa problem.
Pertama, konsep pemilihan presiden oleh MPR menimbulkan beban pertanggungjawaban atas segala pelaksanaan kekuasaan presiden yang dapat membawa jatuhnya presiden dalam masa jabatannya jika pertanggungjawaban tidak diterima oleh MPR. Ini menunjukan sistem pemerintahan dan secara khusus hubungan Presiden dengan lembaga perwakilan rakyat baik DPR maupun MPR merupakan hubungan yang in between antara sistem parlemen disatu sisi dengan sistem presidensial disisi lain. Parlemendimana eksekutif dapat jatuh dari jabatannya kapan saja karena hilangnya dukungan parlemen.
Pola hubungan seperti ini harus segera diakhiri. Jika hendak meletakkan dominasi kekuasan negara atas prinsip kedaulatan rakyat ditangan lembaga perwakilan rakyat, maka prinsip-prinsip sistem parlementerlah yang harus dipakai. Tetapi jika hendak mempertahankan sistem presidential maka pola hubungan yang seimbang antara presiden dengan lembaga perwakilan rakyat harus diterapkan. Dan ini berarti pengangkatan presiden oleh MPR harus diubah dengan pemilihan langsung oleh rakyat agar legitimasi kekuasaan presiden tidak lagi berasal dari majelis dengan segala konsekuensinya.
Kedua, problem lain yang menyangkut dasar legitimasi kekuasaan presiden. Pemilihan presiden yang dimiliki kekuasaan besar itu hanya ditentukan oleh 700 orang anggota MPR. Jika suara MPR yang memenangkan calon presiden terpilih sama dengan keinginan rakyat yang tecermin dari raihan kursi partai yang mencalonkan calon presiden dimaksud, dasar jumlah 700 suara anggota MPR tidak begitu menjadi persoalan.
Tetapi jika terjadi sebaliknya kehendak calon presiden dari sebagian besar rakyat tidak sama dengan keinginan sebagian besar anggota MPR maka dasar legitimasi atas ukuran kemauan rakyat menjadi persoalan. Presiden terpilih akan mendapat tingkat akseptansi yang rendah di masyarakat sehingga prinsip kehendak rakyat adalah dasar kekuasaan pemerintah tidak terpenuhi.
Ketiga, pemilihan presiden yang dilakukan di MPR mudah pula untuk di manipulasi. Sejarah membuktikan dalam masa pemerintahan Orde Baru MPR telah direkayasa sedemikian rupa melalui pembuatan undang-undang tentang Susunan dan Kedudukan MPR, undang-undang tentang pemilihan umum, dan undang-undang tentang partai politik. Sehingga presiden yang berkuasa dapat terus menerus dipilih oleh MPR itu. Pada masa sekarang ketika rekayasa undang-undang hampir tidak mungkin lagi karena undang-undang yang berlaku sudah terhindar dari kepentingan untuk mempertahankan kekuasaan yang tidak demokratis, maka manipulasi berwujud dalam dimensi yang lain. Jual beli suara misalnya, merupakan ancaman serius proses pemilihan presiden sekarang ini di samping teror atau tekanan politik untuk menggolkan satu calon presiden tertentu.
Republika, Edisi 12 Juni 2000 | | |
| |
